Governor Babatunde Fashola of Lagos State on Thursday called for mass participation of all eligible voters in the country in the coming general elections saying it is the only way to keep the spirit of June 12 alive.
Speaking at the LTV Blue Roof Multi-purpose Hall, Agidingbi, venue of this year’s anniversary of the June 12 1993 Presidential Election in which Bashorun MKO Abiola was acclaimed winner, Fashola said it is when voters turn out en-masse to vote that the message is the loudest and the mandate can be easily defended.
The Governor, who noted that the elections are already at hand, advised all eligible Nigerians who have either not registered or have lost their cards to go and register or begin to look for their voter’s cards, pointing out that the only way to be qualified to vote on election day was to have the voter’s card.
"I tell you, elections are not coming, elections are here. Elections start from voter registration. Have you registered? If you have not registered, elections have started, so go and do so. When the continuous voter registration starts, do you have voters’ card, do you know where it is? If you don’t know where it is, go and start looking for it,” Fashola said.
"What has not happened is balloting; so on ballot day, you must be ready but you cannot be ready unless you register. When they publish the voters register go and check and if your name is not there that is when you should start pointing this out. We must make the time to do some of these little but very significant things so that the spirit and purpose of June 12 endures."
Fashola expressed dismay at the voter apathy that attended the 2011 elections during which, he said, average turnout was not more than 35-40 percent of registered voters as compared to South African elections and the Indian elections recently where at least 70 percent of the registered voters turned out to vote adding that this must change.
Advancing some reasons why people must get involved in the election processes, the governor noted that: “if you leave that decision to some people; you’ll not vote, you will not register, you must know it is the politicians that make decisions whether you will live or die because they manage security; they make the laws and the policies.
"They decide how much it costs to bury you because they make the laws that regulate cemeteries. They make decisions in which hospital you are born because the laws are made in the Houses of Assembly and the National Assembly.
"They decide what kind of life your children will get. They decide who you can marry because there is marriage law. They take every decision that affects your life."
The governor debunked the excuse of politics being "dirty" often given by many people for not getting involved. While acknowledging that he also made such statements in the past, he declared: "I am wiser now. But I still hear people make that statement. I can only appeal to you that it was a statement made in error.
"There is politics everywhere including your own home. It is management of people, interests and demands. Amongst your children there is politics. If you have four children and people begin to call you by the name of one, the politics has started,” he said.
"Your wife wants things, your children want, your mother in law wants, your father-in-law wants. Those are the competing interests and that’s what happens in the larger space."
Fashola also advocated the entrenchment of the culture of debates into the nation’s political system saying it is only through debates that the citizenry would identify the capable candidate among those who have presented themselves to be voted for by the electorates.
According to the governor, "we must not have elections without testing the capacity of the candidates, without having debates. We cannot go to an election without putting the candidates to the test. And the debates on television across sectors must become part of our democratic culture as it enables us to make that informed choice about governance."
Citing the 1993 Presidential Elections in which MKO Abiola was generally acclaimed to have won, the Governor asked: "how many people would have voted for Abiola if there were no national debate?"
He continued: "many people had assumed during that election that there was a certain number of votes in a particular part of the country and that indeed it was impossible for Abiola to win in some parts of the country.
"But peoples’ minds were made up because the topical issue of the day was the increase in the pump price of petrol; and that was the issue that affected our lives most, it was the most important economic issue of the day and it was the debate that showed that Abiola was the candidate who was best prepared to deal with those economic issues.
"And, therefore, it was no surprise that in all the wards and all the places it was thought he would not win, he won convincingly."
Fashola said the significance of June 12 lay in the linkage between the right to choose and the right for the choice of the majority to be respected with the expectation of the promise of a better life thereafter adding, however, that democracy does not guarantee good governance.
The Governor explained further that democracy is not concerned about good governance. "All that democracy has concerned itself with is whether the candidate who was declared the winner was elected by popular votes.
"Democracy does not ask whether the candidate knows the job. It does not ask the faith of the candidate. It does not ask you whether he is compassionate. It is democratic institutions that prepare citizens for that choice."
The governor thanked the civil society organisations and all who have kept faith with the spirit of June 12 since 1993 adding that while it is easy to identify with an idea when it is popular, it is even more challenging to remain resolute and committed to that idea when its popularity is no longer front page news.
"Some of you here have shown resoluteness, you have shown commitment, you have shown dedication to the idea of June 12," Fashola said recalling that some people made desperate effort in the past to kill the idea and spirit of June 12.
He added that "it is important to remind you that for some people June 12 would never be celebrated. We must never forget that. It was a major controversy when my predecessor and his team made the distinction then between a public holiday and a work-free day. For them, June 12 was a word never to be uttered again.
"Those people are going to come to you in a matter of weeks and months to seek your votes. So as you go out to vote, also remember their stand on this day. And also remember the political group and the political party that has continued to surrender to this day when you make the choice."
Speaking on the theme of this year’s anniversary, 'June 12 And 4th Republic Challenges, Professor Itse Sagay (SAN) lamented that although Nigeria is a well endowed nation, her citizens are suffering as a result of the mismanagement of the resources by the authorities at the Federal level.
"If only we can enjoy a period of dedicated, selfless and committed leadership at the Federal level as we are presently experiencing in Lagos, Ekiti, Osun and the other APC states and in Rivers state, Nigeria will once again be the beautiful bride of the international community," he said.
Other Speakers at the occasion, Chief Ayo Opadokun and Mrs. Funke Adekoya (SAN) eulogized the Lagos State Governor and his team for the transformational leadership they have demonstrated in the State in the last seven years saying they have shown that with dedication and commitment, Nigeria could be rescued from the present state of decadence.
Also present at the occasion were pro-democracy activist and former Military Administrator of Lagos State, Rear-Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu, widow of late Alao Aka-Bashorun, Mrs. Kudirat Aka-Bashorun, Civil Society groups and Human Rights Activists as well as members of the State’s Executive Council including Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Mr. Lateef Ibirogba and his Establishment, Training and Pension as well as Commerce and Industry counterparts, Mrs. Florence Oguntuase and Mrs. Sola Oworu respectively, Commissioner for Transportation, Mr. Kayode Opeifa and his Physical Planning and Urban Development counterpart, TPL Olutoyin Ayinde, Special Adviser Political and Legislative Powers Bureau, Hon. Muslim Folami and his Works and Infrastructure counterpart, Engr. Ganiyu Johnson among other stakeholders.
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The Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ola Olukoyede, has offered whistleblowers between 2.5 per cent and 5 per cent of recovered stolen Nigerian assets held abroad for information that leads to their recovery.
Olukoyede disclosed this on Wednesday while delivering a lecture at the Cambridge International Symposium on Economic Crime in the United Kingdom.
According to him, the ability of EFCC operatives to trace assets, cooperation from the judiciary and access to credible intelligence have played important roles in the commission’s success in securing non-conviction-based forfeiture orders.
He also described the EFCC as having some of the best investigators in the world and stressed the importance of protecting and encouraging whistleblowers.
He said anyone with credible information about stolen Nigerian assets taken or hidden anywhere in the world could receive between 2.5 per cent and 5 per cent of the recovered assets as an incentive, with payment made after the recovery.
Olukoyede further revealed that the EFCC had forfeited cash and assets worth more than $500 million to the Federal Government within the past three years.
He cited several cases involving the recovery and forfeiture of assets, including cases linked to a former Chairman of the Central Bank of Nigeria and a former Attorney-General of the Federation.
The EFCC chairman explained that the commission is legally empowered to seek the forfeiture of suspected proceeds of crime by applying to the High Court for an order. He said the process is similar to procedures used in countries such as Australia and Canada.
Olukoyede also recalled a case involving an aircraft allegedly acquired by an individual who was accused of receiving about $30 million in bribes in connection with a power project. He said the aircraft was forfeited about three months ago and had subsequently been added to the presidential air fleet.
He also referred to a property containing about 753 housing units that was forfeited from a former CBN governor, against whom the EFCC has filed criminal charges in three courts.
Speaking about the immediate past Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, Olukoyede said the EFCC opened an investigation following allegations of abuse of office. He claimed that investigators traced about 57 properties to Malami and that approximately 48 of them had been forfeited.
The EFCC chairman further mentioned the forfeiture of a private university allegedly linked to a director in the Federal Ministry of Health. According to him, the official voluntarily surrendered the property following the commission’s investigation.
Olukoyede said the measures demonstrate the importance of asset tracing, international cooperation, credible intelligence and whistleblower protection in the fight against financial crime and the recovery of stolen public assets.
The Dangote Petroleum Refinery has raised concerns over the growing volume of imported petrol entering Nigeria, warning that it could be forced to export more of its own production if the trend continues.
The refinery said imported Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) made up roughly 43 per cent of the petrol supplied to the Nigerian market in July. It argued that the development was creating serious difficulties for a domestic refinery with the capacity to produce enough fuel for the country.
Dangote Refinery explained that it has maintained sizeable petrol reserves since commencing operations to ensure that consumers across Nigeria have access to a reliable supply. Keeping those reserves, it noted, requires substantial expenditure on storage, transportation and working capital.
However, the refinery said the continued granting of import licences without adequate information about expected import volumes has made it increasingly difficult to determine how much petrol should be produced and stored for the local market.
The company said holding large quantities of petrol becomes financially burdensome when there is no certainty about how much imported fuel will compete for the same market. It therefore considers exporting surplus stocks a more commercially viable option than allowing them to remain in storage indefinitely.
According to the refinery, increased exports in recent months should not be interpreted as evidence that Nigeria lacks sufficient refining capacity. Instead, the exports are being driven by excess stock resulting from unpredictable import volumes.
Dangote Refinery maintained that it remains fully committed to supplying the Nigerian market and has the capacity to meet or surpass the country's petrol requirements. It said its decision to export surplus products was aimed at managing inventory efficiently and avoiding unnecessary storage and financing expenses.
The refinery also warned that market disruptions caused by excessive imports could make it harder for domestic refiners to accurately predict demand. Any resulting supply problems, it said, should not automatically be blamed on local refineries.
It urged regulators and other industry stakeholders to improve transparency around petrol imports and strengthen coordination within the downstream petroleum market.
The company argued that policies that give greater support to domestic refining would help Nigeria reduce its dependence on imported fuel, conserve foreign exchange, strengthen energy security and maximise the economic benefits of investments in local refining infrastructure.
Dangote Refinery said it remains prepared to supply the country but stressed that a more predictable and transparent market environment is necessary for efficient production and inventory management.
Business
In The Spotlight
A group of heartless carpetbaggers have captured the Nigerian state, and it appears that they, their biological and political descendants, will hold the levers of government and access to Nigeria’s commonwealth for a long time to come.
When you consider news reports of how previous and current state actors steal public funds, buy choice properties in the toniest districts of Nigeria’s major cities, acquire private jets, and even establish private universities, you wonder if some people have more than two heads, to adopt a Yoruba phrase.
Either because of an inability to deliver the greatest good to the greatest number of Nigerian citizens, or by intention, the political elite have kept the people poor, causing them to depend on the largeness of heart of the same elite to meet their existential needs.
That explains why poor, downtrodden, and unconnected Nigerians eagerly collect crumbs of measly N5,000, rice, gari and whatever else the politicians offer to obtain their election votes or acquiescence after rigging the elections.
When watching an economically disadvantaged individual tell a politician who is seeking to become a legislator the good news that his wife just had a new baby, and he needed to prepare for the naming ceremony, it felt like the oppressed poor were enabling his oppressor to further oppress him.
It was like the classic case of Stockholm syndrome, of victims collaborating with their “captors” to cement the oppressive stranglehold that they already had over the state and the commonwealth of the nation, thus unwittingly arresting their own future development.
A running mate to a former governorship candidate in a Southwestern state hilariously regaled Nigerians with the story of how constituents would have raided all the alcoholic drinks in his refrigerator in the early hours of the morning, even before he woke from the hectic campaign tour of the previous day.
The political elite have practically cornered the Nigerian state for themselves, children, tribesmen and acolytes, and have devised a way to admit only those that they have found to be loyal, or pliable, into their rank of oppressors.
The oppression of the citizens of Nigeria is easily accomplished because of the high illiteracy level amongst the poor masses. The use of the weapon of illiteracy is more evident in Northern Nigeria, whose political leaders somehow turn a blind eye to the illiteracy and underdevelopment of their people.
In 2024, UNICEF revealed that out of Nigeria’s 18.3 million out-of-school children, about 12.1 million, or 66 per cent, were resident in the Northwest and Northeast regions. Yet, instead of expanding educational facilities and opportunities, some Northern governors are arranging mass weddings for children who are hardly out of their teen years.
And this is not to deny the weaponisation of illiteracy even in Obafemi Awolowo’s Western Region, which is regarded as the Athens of Nigeria, after its pre-Independence head start of free, universal and compulsory primary school education.
As if he had a premonition that Nigeria’s so-called democrats would eventually compromise education, to the detriment of the lowest and marginalised masses, that Karl Marx described as the “lumpen proletariat”, French political thinker Montesquieu argued a long time ago that “It is in a republican government that the whole power of education is required.”
Western Nigeria’s free education scheme was gradually abandoned from the days of the Second Republic when some Yoruba members of President Shehu Shagari’s political party knocked it off its bottom with the argument that “qualitative” education was better than “free” education.
It is more than a shame that a free, universal and compulsory primary school education scheme was abandoned under President Shagari, who not only was a trained teacher, but had a career as a teacher before his political career.
Awolowo had warned Nigeria’s political elite with the following quip: “The children of the poor that you failed to educate will not let your children sleep peacefully.” The insecurity that currently occurs in nearly every part of Nigeria only drives Awolowo’s point home.
Probably the realm of the Nigerian republic that has been most complicit with the carpetbagger political elite is the media, whose members either serve the elites as press secretaries who kill media brushfires, or editors who either run planted stories, or spike stories that the politicians do not want published.
The media is so compromised that it can hardly perform those responsibilities assigned to it by Section 22 of the Nigerian Constitution, which are to “be free to uphold the fundamental objectives contained in (Chapter II of the Constitution) and uphold the responsibility and accountability of the Government to the people.”
Some apologists have argued on behalf of the media that the political elite have so run the economy aground that the media, which can only thrive as commercial enterprises within Nigeria’s quasi-capitalist economy, cannot stay afloat, especially with the devastating inroads that the digital media are making into their audience, advertising revenue and profit.
The absence of regional economies, the argument goes, prevents the emergence of regional newspapers that can thrive on advertising revenues from regional companies, the way it obtains in the economies of North America and Western Europe. Many Nigerian newspapers, that are essentially regional, often pretend to be national to receive advertising revenue from companies whose market is national.
Two other collaborators of the political elite are the election management agencies and the judiciary at both the national and sub-national levels of government. The conspiracy between these agencies and the political elite is almost like that of Siamese twins conjoined by the belly button.
After the election management agencies may have deliberately bungled (especially) governorship and legislative house elections, and declared false reports, the losers, who felt that they won the election, would then approach the temple of justice, with significant financial inducement to ask for justice(?).
From that point on, the justice that both contestants hope to corruptly obtain could swing according to the heft of the naira in the Ghana-must-go bag that they will be hauling into the chambers of the denizens of the corrupted judiciary.
Thus, the “award” of electoral justice is “a matter of cash”, to quote Basi, the protagonist of “Basi & Co”, the television sitcom produced by environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa, who himself was denied justice from the judiciary that served the regime of General Sani Abacha, Nigeria’s most notorious military dictator.
In Nigeria, the lines of separation of powers that demarcate the duties of the three arms of government –the legislative, executive and judiciary– and the checks and balances that empower each arm to check the others have become almost irredeemably blurred.
As legislators use constituency projects as a ploy to carry out the functions of the executive, the president issues executive orders that are essentially legislative in nature. Though the judiciary does not perform the duties of the other arms, it fails to check them as it indulgently winks at their excesses.
If those who are regarded as Nigeria’s political elite really know what is in their enlightened self-interest and would like to protect the future of their descendants from what Thomas Hobbes described as a short, brutish and nasty existence, they will use their current privilege to correct the evil they have done to Nigerians.
They must urgently redeem the future before it delivers violence against their children.
By Lekan Sote
In The Spotlight
Lagos alone is worth more than Botswana, Namibia, Rwanda and Mauritius combined.
Let that sink in.
With an economy of N41.17tn — about $102bn in 2021 — Lagos State dwarfed the entire gross domestic products of four countries. Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Delta and Bayelsa sit on oil wealth that funds nations. Ogun, Anambra and Imo churn out goods, services and commerce that would make small economies jealous.
By the numbers, Nigeria’s states are giants.
But walk the streets of Lagos, and you will still find mothers cooking with firewood. Drive through Port Harcourt, and you will see communities drinking water polluted by the same oil that makes the state’s GDP glow. Visit Umuahia, Abeokuta, or Minna and ask the average trader what “trillion-naira economy” means to her dinner table.
The answer is: nothing.
That viral video telling you “10 Nigerian states are richer than countries” is both true and a lie. True, because the 2021 BudgIT figures don’t lie — Lagos at N41.17trn, Rivers at N7.96trn, and so on. A lie, because those numbers are GDP, not prosperity. They measure how much economic activity happens _in_ a place, not how much of it reaches the people who live there.
A country with $7,778 GDP per capita, like Botswana, will still feed its citizens better than a state with $102bn in total output but $2,058 per capita, like Nigeria. A state can host a port, an oil rig, and a tech hub, yet fail to build a hospital that works.
So, the real question isn’t “Which state is bigger than which country?”
The real question, and the one our governors should lose sleep over, is this: When your economy is bigger than a nation, why are your people still living like they have nothing?
In this edition of The Bottomline, we follow the money from GDP to the gutter — and ask why Nigeria’s trillion-naira states have not become trillion-naira lives.
The viral numbers are not new. They were lifted straight from BudgIT’s 2022 State of States report and reflected 2021 estimates: Lagos at N41.17tn, followed by Rivers at N7.96tn, Akwa Ibom at N7.77tn, Imo at N7.68tn, Delta at N6.19tn, Anambra at N5.14tn, Ondo at N5.10tn, Ogun at N5.03tn, Bayelsa at N4.63tn and Niger at N4.58tn.
The trick is in the timing. To pitch those 2021 figures against 2025 country GDPs is statistical fraud. Nigeria has since rebased. The NBS moved the base year from 2010 to 2019, and the whole map shifted. Lagos itself has moved on: its 2025 _Lagos Economic Development Update_ puts the state at N43.06tn in 2023, with forecasts of N54.77tn for 2024 and N66.47tn for 2025. Those are projections, not fresh NBS post-rebasing observations, but they tell you the direction: up.
There is no debate that Lagos is Nigeria’s economic engine. From a colonial port to federal capital until 1991, it never lost momentum. Today, trade, manufacturing, ports, telecoms, tech, entertainment, real estate and finance all cluster in just 3,345 square kilometres. Compare that footprint to Botswana’s 581,730 sq km, Namibia’s 825,615 sq km, Rwanda’s 26,338 sq km, and Mauritius’ 2,040 sq km. Yet in 2021, Lagos’ $102 billion economy was several times larger than Botswana’s $19.9bn, Namibia’s $15.1bn, Rwanda’s $16.4bn, and Mauritius’ $16.2bn, according to 2025 World Bank figures.
That comparison is legitimate. The conclusion people draw from it is not.
GDP tells you how much value was produced in a territory. It does not tell you who owns it, who earns it, or whether the roads work, the lights stay on, or the hospital has drugs.
A state can run a trillion-naira economy and still have mothers boiling water on firewood. A country can have a smaller GDP and deliver a better life. Look at the per capita numbers: Botswana at $7,778, Namibia at $5,309, Mauritius at $11,819. Nigeria sits at about $2,058. Even Rwanda, at just $773 per capita, has pushed its $3-a-day poverty rate down to 38.6 per cent — proof that size is not destiny.
The oil states expose the fraud most brutally. Rivers, Akwa Ibom, Delta and Bayelsa rank high because petroleum inflates their GDP. But oil wealth does not flow into state coffers in equal measure, and it certainly does not flow into household wallets. BudgIT’s own fiscal sustainability index proves this. In 2022, Rivers topped overall fiscal performance despite Lagos having the biggest economy. A big economy without revenue discipline, jobs, and services is just a billboard.
Nigeria does not have a GDP problem. We have a translation problem.
We have pockets of enormous economic power. Lagos. Rivers. Akwa Ibom. Ogun. Anambra. Delta. The output is real. What is missing is the bridge between that output and ordinary life.
Until economic activity creates real jobs, until IGR rises and addiction to federal allocation falls, until infrastructure supports production instead of strangling it, those trillion-naira figures will remain a cruel joke.
So let the video go viral. Let Lagos be “bigger than Botswana”.
But governors, commissioners, and citizens should ask only one question:
If my state can outproduce a country, why can’t it out-deliver a decent life for the people who call it home?
Until we answer that, we are not rich. We are just big.
By Raphael Mbamalu