Permit me to start by thanking Chatham House for the invitation to talk about this important topic at this crucial time. When speaking about Nigeria overseas, I normally prefer to be my country’s public relations and marketing officer, extolling her virtues and hoping to attract investments and tourists. But as we all know, Nigeria is now battling with many challenges, and if I refer to them, I do so only to impress on our friends in the United Kingdom that we are quite aware of our shortcomings and are doing our best to address them.
The 2015 general election in Nigeria is generating a lot of interests within and outside the country. This is understandable. Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and largest economy, is at a defining moment, a moment that has great implications beyond the democratic project and beyond the borders of my dear country.
So let me say upfront that the global interest in Nigeria’s landmark election is not misplaced at all and indeed should be commended; for this is an election that has serious import for the world. I urge the international community to continue to focus on Nigeria at this very critical moment. Given increasing global linkages, it is in our collective interests that the postponed elections should hold on the rescheduled dates; that they should be free and fair; that their outcomes should be respected by all parties; and that any form of extension, under whichever guise, is unconstitutional and will not be tolerated.
With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, the collapse of communism and the end of the Cold War, democracy became the dominant and most preferred system of government across the globe. That global transition has been aptly captured as the triumph of democracy and the ‘most pre-eminent political idea of our time.’ On a personal note, the phased end of the USSR was a turning point for me. It convinced me that change can be brought about without firing a single shot.
As you all know, I had been a military head of state in Nigeria for twenty months. We intervened because we were unhappy with the state of affairs in our country. We wanted to arrest the drift. Driven by patriotism, influenced by the prevalence and popularity of such drastic measures all over Africa and elsewhere, we fought our way to power. But the global triumph of democracy has shown that another and a preferable path to change is possible. It is an important lesson I have carried with me since, and a lesson that is not lost on the African continent.
In the last two decades, democracy has grown strong roots in Africa. Elections, once so rare, are now so commonplace. As at the time I was a military head of state between 1983 and 1985, only four African countries held regular multi-party elections. But the number of electoral democracies in Africa, according to Freedom House, jumped to 10 in 1992/1993 then to 18 in 1994/1995 and to 24 in 2005/2006. According to the New York Times, 42 of the 48 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa conducted multi-party elections between 1990 and 2002.
The newspaper also reported that between 2000 and 2002, ruling parties in four African countries (Senegal, Mauritius, Ghana and Mali) peacefully handed over power to victorious opposition parties. In addition, the proportion of African countries categorized as not free by Freedom House declined from 59% in 1983 to 35% in 2003. Without doubt, Africa has been part of the current global wave of democratisation.
But the growth of democracy on the continent has been uneven. According to Freedom House, the number of electoral democracies in Africa slipped from 24 in 2007/2008 to 19 in 2011/2012; while the percentage of countries categorised as ‘not free’ assuming for the sake of argument that we accept their definition of “free” increased from 35% in 2003 to 41% in 2013. Also, there have been some reversals at different times in Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Cote D’Ivoire, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Lesotho, Mali, Madagascar, Mauritania and Togo. We can choose to look at the glass of democracy in Africa as either half full or half empty.
While you can’t have representative democracy without elections, it is equally important to look at the quality of the elections and to remember that mere elections do not democracy make. It is globally agreed that democracy is not an event, but a journey. And that the destination of that journey is democratic consolidation – that state where democracy has become so rooted and so routine and widely accepted by all actors.
With this important destination in mind, it is clear that though many African countries now hold regular elections, very few of them have consolidated the practice of democracy. It is important to also state at this point that just as with elections, a consolidated democracy cannot be an end by itself. I will argue that it is not enough to hold a series of elections or even to peacefully alternate power among parties.
It is much more important that the promise of democracy goes beyond just allowing people to freely choose their leaders. It is much more important that democracy should deliver on the promise of choice, of freedoms, of security of lives and property, of transparency and accountability, of rule of law, of good governance and of shared prosperity. It is very important that the promise embedded in the concept of democracy, the promise of a better life for the generality of the people, is not delivered in the breach.
Now, let me quickly turn to Nigeria. As you all know, Nigeria’s fourth republic is in its 16th year and this general election will be the fifth in a row. This is a major sign of progress for us, given that our first republic lasted five years and three months, the second republic ended after four years and two months and the third republic was a still-birth. However, longevity is not the only reason why everyone is so interested in this election.
The major difference this time around is that for the very first time since transition to civil rule in 1999, the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is facing its stiffest opposition so far from our party the All Progressives Congress (APC). We once had about 50 political parties, but with no real competition. Now Nigeria is transitioning from a dominant party system to a competitive electoral polity, which is a major marker on the road to democratic consolidation. As you know, peaceful alternation of power through competitive elections have happened in Ghana, Senegal, Malawi and Mauritius in recent times. The prospects of democratic consolidation in Africa will be further brightened when that eventually happens in Nigeria.
But there are other reasons why Nigerians and the whole world are intensely focussed on this year’s elections, chief of which is that the elections are holding in the shadow of huge security, economic and social uncertainties in Africa’s most populous country and largest economy. On insecurity, there is a genuine cause for worry, both within and outside Nigeria. Apart from the civil war era, at no other time in our history has Nigeria been this insecure.
Boko Haram has sadly put Nigeria on the terrorism map, killing more than 13,000 of our nationals, displacing millions internally and externally, and at a time holding on to portions of our territory the size of Belgium. What has been consistently lacking is the required leadership in our battle against insurgency. I, as a retired general and a former head of state, have always known about our soldiers: they are capable, well trained, patriotic, brave and always ready to do their duty in the service of our country.
You all can bear witness to the gallant role of our military in Burma, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Darfur and in many other peacekeeping operations in several parts of the world. But in the matter of this insurgency, our soldiers have neither received the necessary support nor the required incentives to tackle this problem. The government has also failed in any effort towards a multi-dimensional response to this problem leading to a situation in which we have now become dependent on our neighbours to come to our rescue.
Let me assure you that if I am elected president, the world will have no cause to worry about Nigeria as it has had to recently; that Nigeria will return to its stabilising role in West Africa; and that no inch of Nigerian territory will ever be lost to the enemy because we will pay special attention to the welfare of our soldiers in and out of service, we will give them adequate and modern arms and ammunitions to work with, we will improve intelligence gathering and border controls to choke Boko Haram’s financial and equipment channels, we will be tough on terrorism and tough on its root causes by initiating a comprehensive economic development plan promoting infrastructural development, job creation, agriculture and industry in the affected areas. We will always act on time and not allow problems to irresponsibly fester, and I, Muhammadu Buhari, will always lead from the front and return Nigeria to its leadership role in regional and international efforts to combat terrorism.
On the economy, the fall in prices of oil has brought our economic and social stress into full relief. After the rebasing exercise in April 2014, Nigeria overtook South Africa as Africa’s largest economy. Our GDP is now valued at $510 billion and our economy rated 26th in the world. Also on the bright side, inflation has been kept at single digit for a while and our economy has grown at an average of 7% for about a decade.
But it is more of paper growth, a growth that, on account of mismanagement, profligacy and corruption, has not translated to human development or shared prosperity. A development economist once said three questions should be asked about a country’s development: one, what is happening to poverty? Two, what is happening to unemployment? And three, what is happening to inequality?
The answers to these questions in Nigeria show that the current administration has created two economies in one country, a sorry tale of two nations: one economy for a few who have so much in their tiny island of prosperity; and the other economy for the many who have so little in their vast ocean of misery.
Even by official figures, 33.1% of Nigerians live in extreme poverty. That’s at almost 60 million, almost the population of the United Kingdom. There is also the unemployment crisis simmering beneath the surface, ready to explode at the slightest stress, with officially 23.9% of our adult population and almost 60% of our youth unemployed. We also have one of the highest rates of inequalities in the world.
With all these, it is not surprising that our performance on most governance and development indicators (like Mo Ibrahim Index on African Governance and UNDP’s Human Development Index.) are unflattering. With fall in the prices of oil, which accounts for more than 70% of government revenues, and lack of savings from more than a decade of oil boom, the poor will be disproportionately impacted.
In the face of dwindling revenues, a good place to start the repositioning of Nigeria’s economy is to swiftly tackle two ills that have ballooned under the present administration: waste and corruption. And in doing this, I will, if elected, lead the way, with the force of personal example.
On corruption, there will be no confusion as to where I stand. Corruption will have no place and the corrupt will not be appointed into my administration. First and foremost, we will plug the holes in the budgetary process. Revenue producing entities such as NNPC and Customs and Excise will have one set of books only. Their revenues will be publicly disclosed and regularly audited. The institutions of state dedicated to fighting corruption will be given independence and prosecutorial authority without political interference.
But I must emphasise that any war waged on corruption should not be misconstrued as settling old scores or a witch-hunt. I’m running for President to lead Nigeria to prosperity and not adversity.
In reforming the economy, we will use savings that arise from blocking these leakages and the proceeds recovered from corruption to fund our party’s social investments programmes in education, health, and safety nets such as free school meals for children, emergency public works for unemployed youth and pensions for the elderly.
As a progressive party, we must reform our political economy to unleash the pent-up ingenuity and productivity of the Nigerian people thus freeing them from the curse of poverty. We will run a private sector-led economy but maintain an active role for government through strong regulatory oversight and deliberate interventions and incentives to diversify the base of our economy, strengthen productive sectors, improve the productive capacities of our people and create jobs for our teeming youths.
In short, we will run a functional economy driven by a worldview that sees growth not as an end by itself, but as a tool to create a society that works for all, rich and poor alike. On March 28, Nigeria has a decision to make. To vote for the continuity of failure or to elect progressive change. I believe the people will choose wisely.
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President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, on Saturday in Abuja, reaffirmed his administration's commitment to prioritising interfaith dialogue and promoting peace, harmony, and tolerance among Nigeria’s diverse religious communities.
The President made this statement while receiving in audience Archbishop Paul R. Gallagher, the Secretary for Relations with States and International Organisations of the Holy See, at his residence in Abuja. Archbishop Gallagher was ushered in by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Bianca Ojukwu.
President Tinubu said interfaith dialogue is the only path to addressing the country's security challenges.
He told the Archbishop that he had a long and cordial relationship with the Catholic Church, especially during his time as governor in Lagos. He said he strongly supports the Church's contributions to education and health.
The President said this belief led him to prioritise returning mission schools to religious institutions as soon as he became governor. The schools were taken over during the previous military administrations.
“I appreciate the Pope. It was an honour for me to lead the Nigerian delegation to his inauguration as Pope Leo XIV. It was a moment of history. I see his efforts all over the world to promote World Peace. We need his spiritual engagement, as millions around the world look up to him. I look forward to receiving him in Nigeria.
“My administration will continue to work on religious harmony among all faiths. Our Bishops and religious leaders have been doing a great deal. Please tell them to continue the good work they are doing. Let them continue to preach peace and tolerance. We cannot have an excess of that.
“I understand the roles that the Catholic church has been playing in expanding the frontiers of education, health and humanitarianism in Nigeria. It means a lot to us in Nigeria, and the country is benefiting from it.
“We are also doing a lot to guarantee freedom of worship. As you may be aware, my wife is a pastor at an evangelical church. This downplays the religious connotation that the religious controversy in our country might have taken.”
President Tinubu assured his guest that the Nigerian military has made significant progress in recent times and remains committed to sustaining these achievements, recognising that a single incident can undermine previous gains. He stated that more resources are being allocated to security, with intensified surveillance, particularly in previously ungoverned areas.
The President assured the Archbishop that his government is also investing in the youth to prevent their exploitation by terrorists and reduce vulnerability to radicalisation.
Archbishop Gallagher said he was in Nigeria for the 50th anniversary of the establishment of relations between the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the Holy See, noting that Nigeria is very strategic to the Catholic Church because of its vibrant Catholic community.
He also conveyed Pope Leo XIV’s appreciation for President Tinubu’s presence at his inauguration. He shared his impressions of Veritas University, established by the Catholic community in Abuja, noting its remarkable progress.
He described Nigeria as the heart of Africa and home to some of the most successful activities of Bishops on the continent. He commended President Tinubu’s efforts in promoting peace, particularly through military initiatives, and encouraged continued dedication. He also expressed appreciation to the Nigerian government for facilitating visas for bishops and for its responsiveness to the Church’s various needs.
Archbishop Gallagher informed President Tinubu that he looks forward to receiving the Nigerian Ambassador to the Holy See in a few weeks and assured him that this visit would be the first of several special visits from the Holy See.
Accompanying Archbishop Gallagher were H.E. Archbishop Michael F. Crotty, Apostolic Nuncio to Nigeria; Rev. Monsignor Suman Paul Anthony, Official of the Secretariat of State – Section for Relations with States and International Organisations; and Rev. Monsignor Patarne Koyassambia-Kozondo, First Secretary, Apostolic Nunciature in Nigeria.
News
Celebrating an African Institution: My Farewell from UBA
Why create an institution?
To ensure that an institution can live long, grow ever stronger and deliver a vision.
I have never been able to look at Africa and see only borders. Where many see fifty-four separate markets, I saw one continent, one destiny — waiting to be transformed, waiting to be believed in.
Africa does not have a shortage of brilliant women and men. Africa suffers a shortage of institutions that outlast brilliant women and men.
Today is a day of huge excitement – of potential delivered and continued opportunity.
Leadership is not about holding onto a position, but knowing when an institution is ready for the next chapter.
I conclude my tenure as Chairman of the Group Board of United Bank for Africa (UBA), on August 21, 2026, after twelve years and decades of association with this extraordinary institution, with profound gratitude, immense pride, and most importantly - great optimism for the future.
My objective was to build an institution that would outlive individuals, one capable of connecting Africa to itself and the world, creating opportunities for businesses, empowering entrepreneurs, supporting governments, rewarding shareholders, and transforming lives. Together, we pursued the belief that Africa deserved a world-class financial institution that remained proudly African at its core. We set out to do something that had not been done. We took a Nigerian bank and we made it an African one, Africa’s global bank. This has been my vision for UBA - the United Bank for Africa.
Today, that vision is reality. UBA Group serves over 50 million customers, operates across 20 African countries and four continents, supports trade and investment, and demonstrates that an African institution can compete globally, while being deeply committed to our continent's development.
This success belongs to generations of dedicated colleagues, exceptional management, visionary directors, loyal customers, supportive regulators, committed shareholders, and partners who believed in our shared purpose.
So, with great pride, I welcome Mr. Emmanuel N. Nnorom as the next Chairman of UBA. I have every confidence in his ability to lead the Bank. His experience, leadership, and deep understanding of our institution will provide the continuity and strategic direction needed to build on the strong foundation we have established. I ask our shareholders, customers, partners, and the entire UBA family to extend to him the same trust and support you have so generously given me over the years.
Business
In The Spotlight
It would appear there is no limit to the odium Nigerians will suffer at the hands of the administration of President Bola Tinubu, because just when the regime seems to have hit rock bottom in governance capacity; it somehow manages to find a way into further depths of ignominy. The latest spectacle, the raging scandal surrounding the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC), does not merely hint at systemic corruption and ineptitude; it scream-sings it from the rooftops of Aso Rock Villa. The Tinubu administration has now officially transcended the mundane boundaries of standard political malfeasance and entered the surreal realm of gothic administrative fiction. To watch presidential spokesperson Bayo Onanuga breathlessly frantically script a narrative where a single "con artist" - one Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew, unilaterally manifested a federal agency out of thin air is to watch a government aggressively self-indict; suggesting that under President Tinubu’s watch, the highest office in the land has degenerated into a "nest of fraudsters."
Let us engage in the precise dissection of reality that the administration’s spin doctors so desperately wish to avoid. In the 2026 Appropriation Act; a statutory document scrutinized by the Budget Office, vetted by the Federal Executive Council, passed by the National Assembly, and decorated with the actual ink of President Tinubu's signature; there sits a neat, undeniable allocation. The non-existent PFIPC was allocated ₦1.3 billion. Specifically, this "phantom" entity was earmarked: ₦802.98 million for personnel costs, ₦200 million for overhead, and ₦300 million for capital expenditure. By what administrative sorcery does a totally "fictitious" council successfully scale the multi-tiered architecture of state budgeting? How does a ghost collect over a billion naira? This is not a failure of oversight; it is a meticulous, codified arrangement. To claim ignorance of a line item in your own signed budget is to admit that the presidency signs state documents with the blind indifference of a rubber stamp.
At the epicenter of this disgusting swamp stands the President's Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila. He has leaped to disclaim the agency, yet he remains dogged by damning allegations. Prince Adeyemi insists that he was legally appointed, alleging he paid a staggering ₦400 million bribe through proxies to secure the role, with a further ₦200 million balance demanded. The dispute reportedly ruptured only when the "fake DG" refused to hand over a 48% kickback of a proposed ₦27.4 billion take-off grant. The presidency’s immediate defense is to sprint to the judiciary, slapping Adeyemi with an eight-count criminal charge. They highlight the suspicious hotel-room death of a key intermediary, Dolapo Tanimola, as if the mysterious expiration of witnesses magically absolves the state. To focus solely on exonerating Gbajabiamila; a figure whose history with disciplinary suspensions by the State Bar of Georgia has long provided fuel for skeptics, while completely ignoring the systemic structural bypasses that occurred, is a masterclass in political deflection.
The caustic comedy of Bayo Onanuga's position is found in its sheer impossibility. Consider what the presidency asks the Nigerian public to swallow. They claim a rogue citizen managed to: establish a physical, fully functional secretariat inside the Federal Secretariat complex in Abuja; secure an official waiver from the Secretary to the Government of the Federation to recruit 300 civil servants; bypass stringent Know-Your-Customer (KYC) protocols to open a Treasury Single Account (TSA) and multiple foreign currency accounts directly with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN); and hosted formal diplomatic interactions with foreign envoys, seeking visa support under official presidential stationery. If a lone scammer can commandeer the Central Bank, the National Assembly, the civil service bureaucracy, and foreign diplomacy without any top-tier internal collaboration, then the Tinubu administration has achieved a level of institutional vulnerability that borders on comedic farce. If they did not know, they are aggressively incompetent. If they did know, they are profoundly corrupt. There is no comfortable middle ground here.
The presidency would have us believe that it is the victim of a masterful illusionist. If the PFIPC never existed, then Nigeria faces one of the most astonishing failures of institutional oversight in recent memory. If, on the other hand, official processes gave it legitimacy before it was later disowned, then the public deserves a full accounting of how that happened. Either way, the affair has evolved beyond a dispute over documents or personalities. It has become a referendum on the credibility of government itself. The Presidency claims the PFIPC is fictitious; insisting that forged documents were used to create an elaborate deception. Yet that explanation raises more questions than it answers. How could an allegedly nonexistent body reportedly interact with government institutions, engage diplomatic circles, and allegedly appear in official administrative processes without multiple safeguards failing? Those questions go to the very architecture of governance.
The public concerns deserve to be addressed on their merits, not merely rebutted through political messaging. If a private individual managed to deceive numerous public institutions, the failure is systemic. If public officials knowingly facilitated the activities, the failure is even more profound. Neither scenario inspires confidence. This scandal is no longer simply about whether one individual forged documents or misrepresented authority. It is about whether Nigeria's institutions possess the internal controls expected of a modern state. Budget preparation, civil service recruitment, diplomatic engagement, financial administration, and security oversight are designed precisely to prevent unauthorized entities from acquiring official recognition. If those mechanisms failed, Nigerians deserve to know why.
The official posture is that the matter is sub judice, pointing to the July 27 Federal High Court hearing. This is a cowardly shield. A trial cannot answer why the Budget Office and National Assembly printed billions for a phantom. The government's explanation cannot stop at identifying the perpetrator. Accountability requires tracing every administrative decision, every official correspondence, every approval, and every institutional lapse. Public confidence is restored through transparent facts, not through competing press statements. The implications extend far beyond domestic politics. Government institutions depend on credibility. Foreign governments, investors, development partners, and international organizations expect that official communications genuinely represent the Nigerian state. Any uncertainty surrounding that assumption carries reputational consequences that outlast news cycles. Equally important is the principle of equal accountability. Public confidence depends not only on whether investigations occur, but whether they are seen to apply without regard to political proximity or influence. Allegations involving senior public officials inevitably attract greater scrutiny because public office carries greater responsibility. That scrutiny should neither presume guilt nor confer immunity.
An independent inquiry would therefore serve multiple purposes. It would establish the factual record, identify institutional failures where they exist, recommend reforms, and either vindicate or implicate those involved based on evidence rather than political narratives. Such a process is far more likely to restore confidence than exchanges between government spokespersons and political opponents. This is not a moment for reflexive partisanship. It is a moment for institutional seriousness. Democracies are ultimately judged not by whether scandals emerge but by how transparently they are investigated and how consistently accountability is applied.
The PFIPC scandal has conclusively stripped away any remaining pretense of administrative integrity. The controversy presents Nigeria with a choice. It can become another episode consumed by political point-scoring, or it can become an opportunity to strengthen public institutions through independent scrutiny and meaningful reform. The latter course demands transparency, evidence, and due process, not assumptions, selective outrage, or premature conclusions. Until the facts are fully established through a credible investigation, the questions surrounding the PFIPC affair will continue to cast a shadow over the integrity of the Tinubu administration. That uncertainty serves no one; not the government, not the opposition, and certainly not the Nigerian people.
Opinions
In The Spotlight
Nigeria’s First Lady, Remi Tinubu, would be the subject of two fascinating books. The longer one would be autobiographical, because nobody can tell her story, let alone in the detailed form I presume she would like it.
I imagine that the former Senator, one-quarter politician, one-quarter wife, one-quarter Aso Rock Quarterback and one-quarter writer and editor, could produce her manuscript in one night.
And that the book would be published the following day, given that her account would require no additional eyes.
On the presidential campaign trail in February 2023, she famously admitted having begged the wife of now Vice President Kashim Shettima for money.
But then, three months later, just days before her husband took the oath of office, she declared her family to be rich and not requiring the resources of the state.
And she is, according to her own accounts, a generous woman. Various reports in the past three and a half years identify her with grants, scholarships, food relief, agricultural support, disaster relief, and support for elderly citizens and conflict victims.
In June 2026, she appeared to tweak her giving, offering politically targeted personal vehicles to APC women leaders in non-APC states.
Days later, she formally appeared to step into the Renewed Hope fairgrounds, perhaps to set the tone for the forthcoming election campaigns.
But it was her arrival in the pigsty, not the playpen she appeared to imagine: “We’re trying to give hope, and to start Akara business doesn’t take a lot of money,” she said. “To start roasting corn, or somebody even said kuli kuli doesn’t take much. We didn’t give them a loan; we gave it to them as a grant…
“I remember giving for TB. When I heard there were so many TB cases, I gave N2 billion. To breast cancer, I gave a billion. For food malnutrition, I gave half a billion…”
I know power and money can change people, particularly First Ladies, and make them lose perspective.
One recent First Lady, cornered with tens of millions of US dollars, said they were an assemblage of gifts. Another one humiliated her police ADC publicly for failing to deliver billions in cash gifts he had allegedly collected on her account.
Mrs Tinubu can avoid that crossroads: the one where temptation crosses paths with temptation. I could recommend strong, professional advisers, but I am not sure there is an answer to the question as to why anyone would listen to anyone less powerful or rich.
Nonetheless, Mrs Tinubu’s comments have seen Nigerians emptying their frustration upon her on social media.
The fundamental issue is her lack of clarity about who or what she is in Nigeria’s constitutional set-up.
The Office of the First Lady is simply a shorthand expression for whoever currently holds matrimonial, alias “other room”, chores. It is a domestic location publicly identified.
It is certainly not a real office. The First Lady is not, and cannot be, elected by anyone, and she has no executive authority to appropriate, disburse, or administer public funds. She has neither location nor voice in the law.
What this means is that when Mrs Tinubu ventures outside the private quarters of Aso Rock and speaks about funds she has “provided,” she must choose the words that follow very carefully. When she described her family as being “rich,” that was clearly referring to private resources.
Usually, when people like Warren Buffett or Aliko Dangote speak in the same way, the world can track the authority behind their words.
If the funds to which Mrs Tinubu says she is providing are public funds, were they appropriated by the National Assembly?
If so, through which ministry, department, or agency, and when? Because that is what the law says.
If they are not, she is breaking the law. Being related to a public official does not make you one, and public funds are subject to full constitutional scrutiny, transparency, audit, and legislative oversight.
For emphasis: the constitution does not disburse power or funds to an unelected spouse to perform governmental functions without constitutional accountability.
I must also flag Mrs Tinubu’s tell-tale pronouns: she switches between “I” and “We” as if they are options from a government playbook. When is she “we” and when is she “I”? Someone owes Nigerians an important clarification, so we do not mix up church offerings with infrastructure funding, the Auditor-General will be querying three months from now.
And then we come to her diagnosis, which suggests that she has come to teach Nigerians resilience. Nigerians are among the hardest working people anywhere, as anyone who works or competes with them would testify, and as is evident within our borders.
Our privileged elite, particularly those for whom traffic is routinely halted so they can breeze by in their opulent 100-SUV convoys, may be unaware, but Nigerians are not poor because they lack hustle. Nigerians are not hungry because they are lazy.
Nigerians are not unemployed because they have refused to sell things by the roadside. Nigerians are struggling because public policy has failed them.
A government cannot impose harsh economic reforms, preside over rising inflation, insecurity, currency instability, multiple taxation, poor electricity, collapsing purchasing power, and then tell citizens to go and trade by the roadside as if hardship is merely a motivational challenge.
To suggest roadside businesses as a national economic policy is condescension.
It is to walk through the battlefield and bayonet the injured. What Nigerians need, and cry for, are public policies to set them free to live and work in dignity.
And this is what the APC feasted on to win the presidency 12 years ago.
The party called it the APC Manifesto, but it betrayed Nigerians so profoundly that within two years of taking power in 2015, I labeled it a historic swindle.
Bola Tinubu appeared to agree that we were right. In 2023, he launched his Renewed Hope Agenda, which was basically the APC manifesto sprinkled with local perfume.
Both documents sing and dance in the language of lions and tigers, but stink like mice and cockroaches. As the government’s Renewed Hope review starkly demonstrated on its third anniversary just one month ago, Hope is a layer of lies atop a column of deception.
This is why a country of over 200 million people, many of whom are trained in some of the finest institutes worldwide, are being offered patronising roadside businesses on insecure streets.
We want our people to sit down and shut up rather than rise and conquer.
Let us be clear: charity cannot replace governance.
Nigerians are looking for governance, not tokenism. Offering shallow public palliatives while the elite spend billions on jets, yachts, SUVs, mansions and foreign travel and hurling no-bid contracts at friends is the same insult as throwing loaves of bread at hungry voters from moving trucks.
A graduate selling by the roadside because there are no jobs is not an economic success story.
A mother hawking under the sun because food prices have doubled is blackmail, not “empowerment.”
What are the Nigerian people asking for? Leadership. And it is not complicated.