President Goodluck Jonathan has described desertification as one of the greatest environmental and developmental problems of the 21st century, which can trigger a vicious circle of environmental degradation, impoverishment, forced migration and conflicts, posing great threat to the political stability of countries and regions it affect.
The president expressed the concern on Tuesday at the Presidential Flag–Off of the Great Green Wall initiative in Bachaka, Kebbi State.
The president stated at the occasion that the phenomenon of desertification must be effectively battled. He highlighted the worst hit states in Nigeria as Adamawa, Borno, Bauchi, Gombe, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Jigawa, Sokoto, Yobe and Zamfara, saying that waging an effective fight against the spread of desertification is one of the greatest challenges in development politics today.
Jonathan said the Nigeria component of the Great Green Wall (GGW) Programme marks a turning point in Africa’s collective quest to conserve and manage its environment and improve the living conditions of its people.
He approved the establishment of an Agency of the Great Green Wall (GGW), pointing out also that other necessary institutional framework, including a National Council on Afforestation and Shelterbelt chaired by the Vice President, to pilot the process, and advice government on the initiative have been put in place to ensure its smooth running. A National Technical Committee under the supervision of the Hon. Minister of Environment, will provide technical back-up to the Council.
Jonathan applauded former President Olusegun Obasanjo for being one of the champions of the idea which was proposed for the Sahara Initiative in 2005.
The initiative ― conceived as a means of halting the movement of the Sahara desert southward, protecting water sources and restoring habitats for biodiversity, energy resources and agricultural production ― was launched in 2006 in Abuja and in 2007, the African Union endorsed the Great Green Wall for the Sahara and the Sahel Initiative with the objective of tackling the detrimental social, economic and environmental impacts of land degradation and desertification in prone sections of the continent.
The innovation was further developed by the African Union (AU), through its New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), the Programme was conceived as a 15 km wide strip of trees and bushes of some 7,775 km long, from Senegal, in the west to Djibouti in the Horn of Africa in the east. The belt is expected to pass through eleven countries, including Nigeria.
The president in his speech noted that the Regional Afforestation Project, the Great Green Wall Sahara Project has already taken off in some member countries notably Senegal, Chad and Niger.
“To this end, a Great Green Wall of about 1,500km-long (East-West) and 2km-wide (North-South), using both economic and forest tree species to be based on community-driven, integrated rural development approach was agreed for the Nigeria segment.” Jonathan said.
“The idea is that the project will principally check the advancement of desertification and erosion as well as restore eco-balance even as it creates sustainable jobs for thousands of our youths who are without jobs.”
He held that the initiative is an a great avenue for job creation and a means of advancing the country’s vision of a green pathway for human development, which will at the same time address new and emerging environmental challenges in the country.
“The Great Green Wall Programme is an expression of our commitment for enhanced environmental management, and thus overcome the problems of desertification. It is a strategy adapted by African leaders supported by the international community and development partners, to fast track the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), roll back poverty and address the specific risks and vulnerabilities in our dry lands,” the president said.
Our desire to enhance the economic transformation of our great nation, and improve the livelihoods of the citizenry requires that we address the risks and vulnerabilities in the drought and desertification affected States. This is what we intend to achieve by coming together to implement this programme.
“The project will also help reduce unemployment and rehabilitate over 2 million hectares of degraded land and improve agricultural productivity.”
He further revealed that on a global scale, the country’s component of the GGW programme will serve as a launching pad for achieving Zero Net Land Degradation target as agreed by World Leaders at the last Rio+20 Conference in Brazil.
“We are committed to achieving the target we agreed in Rio and also implement the resolutions adopted by country Parties to the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD), which Nigeria ratified in 1997,” he assured.
“Over the years, the Federal Government has successfully brought the issues of drought and desertification to the front burner of the country’s development agenda. Various actions and programs have been implemented in the Country to combat desertification and ameliorate the impacts of drought.”
He said although, there are no easy solutions for reducing the phenomena of land degradation and depletion of resources, the nation and stakeholders in the sector must be determined to work together to achieve tackle it head on.
“Consequently, we will continue to strengthen the participatory approach by involving our local communities in all our interventions as well as improve communication with our partners at all levels. We all must work together,” Jonathan added.
“On the part of the Federal Government, we are determined to deliver this programme to the people of Nigeria, so the region would move quicker towards peace and sustainable development. I call on the affected States to commit commensurate resources, including their part of the ecological fund, to this noble course.”
He urged Governors to ensure that the land required is made available on time and that the affected communities are adequately sensitised to enable them actively participate and subsequently own the Programme. Furthermore, I invite our development partners, as a matter of priority, to key into the programme, in the spirit of the Convention.
He congratulated the government and good people of Kebbi State, in particular the people of Bachaka community, for being among the first to participate in the programme, saying he looks forward to the participation of other states and communities in the green belt area as it is a sign of great things to come.
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The Nigerian Army on Saturday announced a major reshuffle of its senior officers, as part of efforts to strengthen national security and improve operational effectiveness across the country.
The changes affecting key operational, command, training, and staff appointments were announced in a statement issued on Saturday by the Acting Director of Army Public Relations, Colonel Appolonia Anele.
According to the statement, the postings affected field commanders, school commandants, and principal staff officers at the Army Headquarters.
Major General EI Okoro has been appointed GOC 6 Division Nigerian Army and Land Component Commander of Joint Task Force South-South Operation DELTA SAFE, succeeding Major General EE Emeka.
The statement also announced the appointment of Major General JR Lar as Commander, Army Headquarters Garrison, while Brigadier General OM Oyekola will serve as Acting Military Secretary (Army). Brigadier General I Waziri retains his position as Chief of Staff in the Office of the Chief of Army Staff.
Brigadier General IB Buhari was appointed Commander of Headquarters 63 Brigade, while Brigadier General K Rabiu was named Commander of Headquarters 31 Artillery Brigade, as part of efforts to strengthen operational leadership and combat readiness.
Major General O Adegbe was also appointed Director of Intelligence and Security at Defence Headquarters.
Similarly, Chief of Army Staff, Lieutenant General Waidi Shaibu, approved the strategic redeployment of senior officers, saying the move was aimed at enhancing the Army’s capacity to address emerging security challenges.
Major General WM Dangana has been named the General Officer Commanding (GOC) 3 Division Nigerian Army and Commander of Joint Task Force Operation ENDURING PEACE, replacing Major General EF Oyinlola.
In the area of military education and institutional development, Major General KE Chigbu was appointed Deputy Commandant of the National Defence College, while Major General SD Makolo became Commandant of the Nigerian Army Armour School.
Brigadier General U Ahmad has also been appointed Commandant of Depot Nigerian Army, Zaria.
In a move reflecting the Army’s growing emphasis on technology and emerging security threats, Major General SA Emmanuel was appointed Commander of the Nigerian Army Space Command.
The statement noted that the appointment “reinforces the Army’s growing focus on emerging domains of warfare and technology-driven security operations.”
The reshuffle further saw Major General KO Ukandu appointed Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of Post Housing Development Limited, while Major General AI Allison was named Managing Director of Defence Properties Limited.
Other appointments include Major General SO Adejimi as Commandant of the Nigerian Army School of Supply and Transport and Major General FS Etim as Chief of Training at the Headquarters Training and Doctrine Command, Nigerian Army (TRADOC).
The statement added, “The COAS charged the newly appointed senior officers to justify the confidence reposed in them by demonstrating exemplary leadership, professionalism, innovation and unwavering commitment to the Nigerian Army’s constitutional mandate of defending Nigeria’s sovereignty, protecting its territorial integrity and supporting civil authority in maintaining peace and security across the nation.
“The Nigerian Army remains resolute in its transformation drive and commitment to building a highly professional, combat-ready and people-oriented force capable of effectively addressing contemporary and future security challenges in pursuit of Nigeria’s national security objectives.”
News
For decades, the financial elite of Zurich and London viewed international drug trafficking as a coarse, localized problem. It was a menace measured in street corners, plastic baggies, and gang rivalries. However, a major global sting operation has smashed this illusion. The arrest of Nigerian billionaire Amadi Simon in Switzerland, alongside his female co-conspirators in West Africa, reveals a much deeper issue. It exposes a sophisticated, multi-billion-dollar network where modern fintech, West African drug wealth, and Russian sanctions evasion meet. This case is not just about a single drug bust. It serves as a modern lesson in how easily global finance can be weaponized. When illicit drug cash from European streets can flow smoothly into the Russian financial system through Swiss fintech firms, Western regulators must face a harsh truth: their digital anti-money laundering systems are failing.
The Mirror of the Network
At the center of this web sits Amadi Simon, a high-profile tycoon who lived luxury lives in both Nigeria and Western Europe. While he presented himself as a legitimate businessman, international investigators saw a different reality. They uncovered a massive, globe-spanning drug baron. The network operated with corporate precision: The African Anchor: In Nigeria, female kingpins Jecinta Amara Ikechi and Blessing Ngozi Amadi managed the local footprint. They ran operations in Anambra and Delta states to handle logistics and secure assets. The Swiss Conduit: In Zurich, Sergey Salpanov, a Russian-trained lawyer turned tech founder led Swiss Remit. This fintech firm provided the crucial financial pipeline for the group. Together, these players linked West African networks with European drug markets and eastern financial systems.
Weaponizing the Fintech Frontier
The cartel successfully bypassed traditional global banks by exploiting the gaps in modern financial technology. Traditional banks use slow compliance systems that flag suspicious transactions days after they occur. Fintech apps like Swiss Remit, however, pride themselves on instant, cross-border transfers.
The network exploited this speed to stay ahead of the law. They poured cash into virtual banking platforms through complicit money transfer businesses. Once the dirty paper money became "digital ledger cash," the fintech infrastructure quickly routed it into Russian financial systems or crypto assets.
To hide their digital tracks, the cartel used a strategy known as "nested banking." They passed funds through a confusing maze of foreign exchange businesses, shell companies, and virtual wallets. This completely hid the original owners of the cash. They also broke up large deposits into small amounts using "money mule" accounts opened with fake or stolen IDs. By the time computer algorithms flagged the transactions, the money had already cleared and disappeared into another country.
From Laundromats to Luxury Hotels
When the money returned to Nigeria, it was poured directly into the local economy to look like legitimate profit. The cartel relied heavily on high-end luxury hospitality assets to blend their drug wealth with clean, mainstream commercial cash flows. Following Simon's arrest, Nigeria's National Drug Law Enforcement Agency working closely with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), moved swiftly to seize his multi-billion naira real estate portfolio: Jovi Hotel Asaba: a prime hospitality property used as a major commercial footprint in the Delta State capital. Jovi Hotel and Suites Agbor: a prominent multi-story hotel venture built to absorb massive amounts of cash. Jovi Apartment Abuja: a luxury residential complex in the upscale Mabushi district used as an administrative front. Alongside these physical properties, authorities froze numerous traditional bank accounts and cryptocurrency wallets. These accounts held hundreds of billions of naira in digital ledger cash before they could be moved out of the country.
The Geopolitical Trap
The most alarming aspect of this case for Western security agencies is how organized crime intersects with geopolitics. By routing hundreds of millions in drug wealth directly into Russian financial systems, these networks do more than just clean dirty money. They create alternative pipelines of hard currency into Russia, bypassing traditional banking guardrails and international sanctions. For the Kremlin, cash-heavy networks like Simon’s are highly useful. They offer a steady supply of Western currency that is completely hidden from the eyes of global regulators. This exposes the fatal flaw in the West's current economic defense system. While governments impose strict sanctions on paper, the digital backdoors remain open. A fintech startup in Zurich can accidentally undermine the foreign policy of major world powers, simply by failing to verify the identities of its users.
The Way Forward
Dismantling this network required an extraordinary international coalition, including the NDLEA, the U.S. DEA, and Swiss and Greek federal authorities. This level of cooperation shows that law enforcement can successfully work together across borders. However, chasing criminals after the money has already moved is no longer enough. If governments want to protect the global financial system, they must change how they regulate the fintech sector. Fintech platforms can no longer be allowed to prioritize speed and user growth over basic security. Regulators must enforce strict, real-time identity checks and treat virtual banking platforms with the same scrutiny as traditional banks. Until the digital loopholes are closed, global syndicates will continue to exploit the international financial system—laundering drug money, evading sanctions, and hiding their wealth in plain sight.
In The Spotlight
President Bola Tinubu's Democracy Day address was an exercise in a peculiar form of political optimism: the sort that flourishes most luxuriantly when reality is at its bleakest. One almost admired its audacity.
The address read more like a dispatch from a parallel republic, blissfully detached from the grim realities of the nation he governs. To praise twenty-seven years of unbroken civilian rule is a fine thing for history books, but it offers cold comfort to citizens who cannot afford bread. Nigeria is currently caught in a vice of worsening socio-economic misery and pervasive insecurity, making the president's lofty rhetoric feel not just out of touch, but deeply offensive.
As schoolchildren languish in captivity, as retired generals die in the custody of bandits, as churches and mosques organize national prayers against insecurity, and as vast swathes of rural Nigeria remain subject to the whims of terrorists, kidnappers and armed gangs, the President invited Nigerians to celebrate "the enduring Nigerian spirit" and contemplate a nation moving "from uncertainty to stability". The most striking failure of empathy in the address is the lecture directed at Nigeria’s youth. Tinubu urges them to "build here, code here, work here, and vote here," scolding those who leave as "abandoning ship." This is a rich demand from a political elite whose own children are routinely educated and housed abroad. Young Nigerians are not leaving out of a lack of patriotism. They are fleeing a system that actively stifles their talent, devalues their labor, and threatens their physical safety. To expect the youth to stay and fix a broken ship while the captains lounge in luxury is not leadership; it is rank hypocrisy that stinks to the high Heavens.
Democracy Day is, of course, a suitable occasion for reflection. The heroes of June 12 deserve remembrance. The struggle against military dictatorship remains one of the noblest chapters in Nigeria's modern history. Yet the purpose of democracy is not merely to remember freedom; it is to exercise it. Citizens cannot meaningfully enjoy liberty when they are afraid to travel roads, cultivate farms, attend schools, or sleep in their homes. The President himself inadvertently acknowledged this contradiction when he declared that "democracy without security is a mirage." Quite so. Democratic institutions are empty shells if they cannot provide basic human security. While Tinubu extols the virtues of resolving disagreements in courtrooms rather than through violence, millions of Nigerians face a different kind of daily violence. Wild inflation and a collapsing currency have made feeding a family an act of daily heroism. Bandits, kidnappers, and insurgent groups operate with terrifying freedom across vast swathes of the country. The state's primary duty is to protect its people and their livelihoods. In this duty, the current administration is failing. Celebrating the "ballot" when the state cannot secure the "bourse" or the "boma" is a luxury only the ruling class can afford.
The difficulty is that this statement functions less as a defense of his administration than as its most devastating indictment. For if democracy without security is indeed a mirage, then millions of Nigerians are currently inhabiting precisely such a mirage. The President's solution was familiar: statistics. Thirteen thousand terrorists neutralized. Terror-related deaths down. Thousands recruited into the police and military. Trillions allocated to defense. Governments facing difficult questions often retreat into arithmetic. Numbers possess an attractive quality. They cannot be interrupted. They do not ask follow-up questions. They create the impression of progress without the inconvenience of proving it. Yet Nigerians are not experiencing security through spreadsheets. They experience it through the inability to move freely across their own country. They experience it through ransom payments. They experience it through abandoned villages. They experience it through children kidnapped from schools. They experience it through the extraordinary fact that a retired Major General; a man who once stood near the apex of Nigeria's security establishment could be abducted and die in captivity. If the state could not protect one of its former defenders, what reassurance does it offer everyone else?
There was something especially curious about the President's plea that Nigerians should not "assign blame or point fingers." In ordinary circumstances this might sound statesmanlike. In a democracy it sounds peculiar. Assigning responsibility is, after all, one of the principal functions of democratic government. Citizens elect leaders precisely so that someone may be held accountable when things go wrong. A President asking citizens not to assign blame for a worsening security crisis is rather like a football manager urging supporters not to discuss the scoreline. One suspects the request is made because the scoreline is unfavorable. The address was similarly optimistic about the economy. Reforms have restored credibility. Investment is returning. Revenues are rising. Stability is replacing uncertainty. Perhaps. But the true measure of an economy is not found in ministerial presentations or investment brochures. It is found in kitchens, markets and pay packets. There is a reason the administration repeatedly tells Nigerians that prosperity is coming. It is because prosperity has not yet arrived.
The political danger for Tinubu is not merely that Nigerians are suffering. Nations can endure hardship when they believe sacrifices are producing visible results. The greater danger is that citizens increasingly feel they are being asked to trust official narratives that bear little resemblance to their daily experience. The President spoke eloquently of hope. Hope is a valuable political commodity. But it is not an inexhaustible one. The tragedy of contemporary Nigeria is not that its leaders lack ambition. The speech was full of ambition. It was rich with plans, reforms, initiatives, task forces, strategies and promises. The tragedy is that these aspirations coexist with a mounting sense that the state is losing its monopoly on security in significant parts of the country.
A government may survive economic disappointment. It may survive political controversy. What it cannot indefinitely survive is the perception that it cannot perform the most elementary function of government: protecting citizens from violence. The most revealing line of the speech may not have been the celebration of democracy or the defense of reform. It was the President's appeal to traditional rulers, faith leaders and community heads because "the government cannot do it alone." That was intended as a call for national solidarity. It sounded, instead, like an admission. For governments are not elected merely to join collective efforts. They are elected to lead them. The heroes of June 12 fought so Nigerians could choose their leaders. They did not fight so that elected leaders could explain why they are unable to secure the republic entrusted to them.
The president invites criticism from the press and civil society, calling them the "guardrails of our republic." Yet, these guardrails are being tested to the breaking point by economic mismanagement and official corruption. A democracy cannot be strengthened by speeches alone. It requires a government willing to cut its own waste, secure its borders, and create an environment where business can breathe. Until the Tinubu administration faces these harsh truths, Democracy Day will remain a celebration for the politicians, while the rest of Nigeria continues to suffer. Twenty-seven years after the restoration of democracy, Nigerians deserve more than commemorations of freedom. They deserve the substance of it. And until insecurity ceases to dominate national life, until children can attend school without fear, until citizens can travel without calculating ransom values, until communities no longer depend on prayer as a substitute for protection, the gap between official rhetoric and lived reality will continue to widen. Democracy Day was meant to celebrate how far Nigeria has come. Instead, it served as a reminder of how far it still has to go.
Opinions
In The Spotlight
There comes a point when a government's explanations, excuses, and public relations campaigns collapse under the sheer weight of reality. Nigeria has reached that point. Three years into President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's administration, insecurity has metastasized into a national catastrophe. From the forests of Zamfara to the communities of Plateau, from the highways of Kaduna to the troubled villages of Borno, Nigerians are living through a nightmare that grows darker by the day. Citizens are kidnapped in broad daylight. Farmers abandon their fields. Communities are overrun. Schools are attacked. Families are held hostage. And increasingly, the Nigerian state appears powerless to stop it.
The death of retired Major General Abubakar Rabe in bandit captivity should have shocked the conscience of the nation. Here was a man who dedicated his life to defending Nigeria, only to die at the mercy of criminals in the very country he once served. If a retired general can be kidnapped and die in captivity, what hope remains for ordinary Nigerians?
Yet on the very same day Nigerians mourned General Rabe, terrorists reportedly attacked communities in the Chibok axis and burned school facilities, reopening wounds that never truly healed. More than a decade after the Chibok abductions became a global symbol of Nigeria's security failures, the nation finds itself confronting the same demons. The symbolism is devastating.
This is not merely a security challenge. It is an indictment of leadership. The first responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Everything else; economic reforms, political calculations, international diplomacy, infrastructure projects is secondary. A government that cannot guarantee basic security is failing at its most fundamental obligation.
The Tinubu administration frequently points to military operations, security meetings, and intelligence initiatives. Yet Nigerians judge governments not by press releases but by outcomes. The outcome today is that kidnapping has become an industry. Terrorism remains resilient. Banditry flourishes. Entire communities remain vulnerable. Citizens travel highways with fear and uncertainty.
What makes the situation even more troubling is the growing disconnect between official rhetoric and public reality. Nigerians are repeatedly told that progress is being made, yet daily headlines tell a different story. Religious leaders are declaring national days of mourning. Civil society groups are demanding tougher measures. Legislators are openly arguing that the country's security architecture is no longer fit for purpose.
When the Christian Association of Nigeria designates a "Black Sunday" to honor victims of insecurity, that is not merely a religious event. It is a national alarm bell. When senior lawmakers publicly argue that Nigeria's centralized policing structure cannot cope with modern security threats, that is not routine political debate. It is an admission that the current system is failing. When citizens increasingly rely on prayers because confidence in state protection has eroded, that is not evidence of faith alone. It is evidence of institutional weakness.
The tragedy is that Nigeria possesses enormous human, military, and economic resources. What appears lacking is the urgency, innovation, and strategic coherence required to confront a crisis that has evolved far beyond conventional law enforcement. Criminal networks have adapted. Terrorists have adapted. Kidnappers have adapted. The question Nigerians are asking is whether their government has adapted with equal speed.
Security cannot be governed through speeches. It cannot be solved through ceremonies. It cannot be defeated through optimism. It requires accountability. It requires intelligence-driven operations. It requires structural reforms. It requires ruthless disruption of criminal financing networks. It requires stronger local security partnerships. Above all, it requires leadership that treats insecurity not as one challenge among many, but as the defining emergency of the moment.
History will not judge this administration by the promises it made. It will judge it by whether Nigerians became safer under its watch. Today, too many Nigerians are afraid to travel, afraid to farm, afraid to sleep, and afraid that help will not come when danger arrives. That fear is the most damning verdict of all. A nation of more than 200 million people should not be governed as though mass insecurity is normal. The death of General Rabe, the continued attacks on vulnerable communities, the persistence of kidnappings, and the widespread sense of insecurity are not isolated incidents. They are symptoms of a deeper failure.
The Tinubu administration must confront an uncomfortable truth: Nigerians are losing confidence in the state's ability to protect them. Restoring that confidence will require more than assurances. It will require results. And results are precisely what have been missing.