Amnesty International has said despite the warnings on a possible raid on the Government Girls College, Chibok, Borno State more than four hours before the assault, no reinforcements were sent to the town.
The assault included the abduction of more than 240 schoolgirls, which the international body called a war crime saying many of the girls remain in captivity and that their whereabouts are unknown.
"Amnesty International urges Nigerian authorities to use all lawful means to rescue the girls and protect civilians," Netsanet Belay, Amnesty International’s Africa Director, Research and Advocacy, said in a statement released by the organisation.
"It amounts to a gross dereliction of Nigeria’s duty to protect civilians, who remain sitting ducks for such attacks. The Nigerian leadership must now use all lawful means at their disposal to secure the girls’ safe release and ensure nothing like this can happen again."
Damning testimonies, which Amnesty International said it gathered, revealed that Nigerian security forces failed to act on advance warnings about Boko Haram’s armed raid on the state-run boarding school in Chibok which led to the abduction of more than 240 schoolgirls on 14th-15th April.
After independently verifying information based on multiple interviews with credible sources, the organisation revealed that the Nigerian security forces had more than four hours of advance warning about the attack but did not do enough to stop it.
"The fact that Nigerian security forces knew about Boko Haram’s impending raid, but failed to take the immediate action needed to stop it, will only amplify the national and international outcry at this horrific crime," Belay said.
Amnesty International has confirmed through various sources that Nigeria’s military headquarters in Maiduguri was aware of the impending attack soon after 7:00 PM on 14th April, close to four hours before Boko Haram began their assault on the town.
But an inability to muster troops – due to poor resources and a reported fear of engaging with the often better-equipped armed groups – meant that reinforcements were not deployed to Chibok that night.
Amnesty International said the small contingent of security forces based in the town – 17 army personnel as well as local police –attempted to repel the Boko Haram assault but were overpowered and forced to retreat. One soldier reportedly died.
More than three weeks later, the majority of the girls remain in captivity in an unknown location. A climate of confusion and suspicion has so far scuppered efforts to secure their release.
"Amnesty International reiterates its call on Boko Haram to immediately and unconditionally release the hostages into safety and stop all attacks on civilians.
"The abduction and continued detention of these school girls are war crimes, and those responsible must be brought to justice. Attacks on schools also violate the right to education and must be halted immediately," Belay said.
Warnings Ignored
Between 7:00 PM on 14th April and 2:00 AM on 15th April, the military commands in Damboa, 36.5 km away from Chibok, and Maiduguri, 130 km away from Chibok, were repeatedly alerted to the threat by both security and local officials.
According to sources interviewed by Amnesty International, local civilian patrols (known as “vigilantes”, set up by the military and local authorities) in Gagilam, a neighbouring village, were among the first to raise the alarm on the evening of 14th April after a large group of unidentified armed men entered their village on motorbikes and said they were headed to Chibok. This set off a rapid chain of phone calls to alert officials, including the Borno State Governor and senior military commanders based in Maiduguri.
One local official who was contacted by Gagilam residents told Amnesty International: "At around 10:00 PM on 14 April, I called [several] security officers to inform them about earlier information I had received from the vigilantes in Gagilam village. They had told us that strange people had arrived in their village that evening on motorbikes and they said they were heading to Chibok. I made several other calls, including to Maiduguri. I was promised by the security people that reinforcement were on their way."
Another local official was contacted by herdsmen who said that armed men had asked where the Government Girls Secondary School was located in Chibok.
At around 11:45 PM, a convoy reportedly numbering up to 200 armed Boko Haram fighters – on motorbikes and in trucks – arrived in Chibok town and engaged in a gunfight with a small number of police and soldiers based there. Outnumbered and outgunned, the security forces eventually fled in the small hours of 15 April. Some of the Boko Haram fighters proceeded to the Government Girls Secondary School and abducted more than 240 schoolgirls.
Two senior officers in Nigeria’s armed forces confirmed that the military was aware of the planned attack even prior to the calls received from local officials. One officer said the commander was unable to mobilise reinforcements. He described to Amnesty International the difficulties faced by frontline soldiers in north-eastern Nigeria:
"There’s a lot of frustration, exhaustion and fatigue among officers and [troops] based in the hotspots… many soldiers are afraid to go to the battle fronts."
Amnesty International’s requests for a reaction from the military headquarters in Abuja have gone unanswered.
Since the 14th April raid, a climate of confusion and suspicion appears to have slowed down the Nigerian authorities’ efforts to locate and free the abducted schoolgirls. On 16th April, a senior Defence Ministry spokesperson said that almost all of the abducted girls had been rescued and only eight were still missing. The next day he had to retract that statement.
"The climate of suspicion and lack of transparency about the rescue effort has been unhelpful – all authorities must work together to ensure the girls are brought home safely and more must be done to protect civilians in future," Belay said.
Amnesty International is calling on the Nigerian government to provide adequate information to families of abducted girls on the authorities’ current efforts to ensure their safe release.
The families – and the abducted girls, once they are freed – must be provided with adequate medical and psychological support, Amnesty International urged.
Background
The information on the advance warnings of the impending Boko Haram attack in Chibok came from multiple sources, including local officials and two senior military officers, interviewed by Amnesty International. The sources independently verified a list of Nigerian officials who were alerted on 14th-15th April, before and during the raid on the Government Girls Secondary School. They have been kept anonymous for their safety.
The abduction of the schoolgirls in Chibok comes amid months of worsening violence and serious human rights violations and abuses being committed by armed Islamist groups and Nigerian government forces alike in the conflict in north-eastern Nigeria.
Amnesty International’s research indicates that at least 2,000 people have been killed in the conflict in Nigeria this year alone.
In a separate incident on 5th May, at least eight girls were abducted by gunmen in the Warabe and Wala communities in north-eastern Nigeria. There have been similar abductions on a smaller scale, mainly of women and girls, in the last two years.
Also on 5th May, more than 200 people were killed in Gamboru, Ngala, Borno State, when an armed group travelling in two armoured cars opened fire on a market in broad daylight. The attack began around 1:30pm and lasted several hours, and the armed group torched market stalls, vehicles and nearby homes and shops.
Despite such ongoing attacks, the Nigerian authorities have failed to adequately investigate the killings and abductions, bring suspected perpetrators to justice, or prevent further attacks.
At the same time, the government continues to unlawfully detain hundreds of people suspected of links with Boko Haram in military detention and is denying them access to lawyers. The majority of those detained around the country are held without criminal charges, and many have been extrajudicially executed by security forces before facing trial.
Nigerian MIlitary Denies
Nigeria’s military authorities have stoutly denied the claim by Amnesty International.
In its response signed by Major General Chris Olukolade, the director of Defence Information at Defense Headquarters (DHQ), the military authorities repudiated that account, claiming that the troops only received information of the attack on Chibok community from troops on patrol when it was in progress. The patrol troops engaged the terrorists and called for reinforcements.
"As the troops on reinforcement traversed the over 120km rugged and tortuous road from Maiduguri to Chibok, they ran into an ambush by terrorists who engaged them in fierce gun battle and a number of soldiers lost their lives. Another set of soldiers also mobilized for the mission arrived after the terrorists had escaped due to a series of misleading information that slowed down the pursuit.
"These spurious allegations are obviously a continuation of the campaign intended to cause disaffection, portray the military in bad light and undermine the counter-terrorism efforts. Although the Chibok incident is still subject to more investigation, the Defence Headquarters appeals to individuals and organisations to refrain from circulating spurious allegations that could undermine both the operation and investigation of conduct of the mission generally," Olukolade said.
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The EFCC chairman, Olu Olukoyede, however, said that after concluding the investigation, he invited Eze, who is also the convener of the New Season Prophetic
Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ola Olukoyede, has said that he investigated the Lead Pastor of Streams of Joy International, Jerry Eze, for six months for alleged money laundering.
Olukoyede disclosed this at the Jerry Eze Foundation Business Grant Award Ceremony in Abuja on Wednesday.
He said that the agency observed that there was a domiciliary account where dollars and pounds were “dropping like raindrops” from different countries.
“I am going to embarrass you today. I never wanted to say it, but I just felt that was my little way of making this contribution.
“I investigated this man for six months for money laundering. We work by intelligence, we work by petitions.
“At some point, there was an account, a domiciliary account; dollars, pounds were dropping like raindrops from Colombia, from America, from Sri Lanka, even from Togo.
“I said, ‘Who is this man?’ Yes, I have been hearing about his name. I have seen his face a couple of times. I never bothered about what he was doing; he is a pastor,” Olukoyede said.
“So, they said it’s one Pastor Jerry Eze of Streams of Joy. Go and investigate him. So, we went into investigation; we combed the books. Yes, we saw the money coming in.
“So, my investigating officer came to me one day and said, ‘Sir, this is the preliminary report.’ I said I would like to see this man. Go and invite him.
“So, he (Eze) came to my office. I saw him. I had seen that face, but I didn’t know it was him, because I saw somebody who came in with baggy trousers, a T-shirt, and some punk with a parting.
“I was almost going to say, ‘Go and call your pastor, my friend; go and bring your bishop,’” the EFCC chief said.
Olukoyede, however, said that after concluding the investigation, he invited Eze, who is also the Convener of the New Season Prophetic Prayers and Declarations (NSPPD), and commended him.
“So, he told me what happens, how the money came, and how he has been helping people and all of that. I told him, ‘I didn’t call you here to explain to me. We’ve already done our work. I called you here to commend you,” he added.
Olukoyede said that the EFCC also has a preventive mandate, adding that the agency should also identify with righteous people with integrity.
The EFCC chairman urged him to continue to keep his hands clean, because the anti-graft agency, according to him, “will always come for you”.
“The only thing that is remaining now is to give you a letter of validation, but I’m not going to give you because I’ll still continue to monitor your finances,” he told the pastor.
News
Lagos, Nigeria – April 2026 – United Bank for Africa Plc, leading Pan-African financial institution, has released its unaudited financial results for the first quarter ended March 31, 2026, demonstrating resilient operating performance and continued balance sheet strength despite a moderated profitability environment.
Gross earnings increased by 5% to ₦801.5 billion, driven by growth across key revenue lines. Interest income also rose 6.9% to ₦641.1 billion, while non-interest income grew 17.3% to ₦137.1 billion, highlighting the Group’s expanding and diversified revenue base.
Net interest income advanced 10.5% to ₦383.7 billion, supporting a 12.2% increase in operating income to ₦520.8 billion, demonstrating sustained momentum across core banking operations.
UBA recorded notable improvement in key profitability and efficiency metrics, reflecting a more sustainable earnings profile.
While return on average equity rose to 13.7%, return on assets improved to 1.77%, signalling stronger earnings efficiency. Cost of risk declined significantly to 2.02%, underscoring improved asset quality and disciplined risk management. Cost of funds moderated to 3.73% from 3.83% in Dec 2025, reflecting improvement in funding cost.
Profit before tax moderated to ₦160.7 billion, while profit after tax moderated to ₦146.6 billion, representing declines of 21.4% and 22.8% respectively, consistent with the Group’s guidance on earnings normalisation.
The bank also did well in maintaining a strong and resilient balance sheet with total assets of ₦33.1 trillion and customer deposits of ₦26.2 trillion.
Commenting on the results, Group Managing Director/CEO, Oliver Alawuba, said: “UBA’s Q1 2026 performance underscores the strength of our diversified Pan-African model and the resilience of our core banking franchises. While profitability has moderated in line with our expectations for a transition year, we are seeing strong underlying momentum across our markets, supported by improved earnings quality and disciplined risk management.
Our continued investments in digital capabilities and regional expansion are enhancing revenue resilience and positioning the Group for sustainable long-term growth. We remain firmly committed to driving financial inclusion, enabling intra-African trade, and delivering superior value to our stakeholders.”
Also speaking, Executive Director, Finance & Risk Management, Ugo Nwaghodoh, added: “The Group’s Q1 performance reflects a deliberate shift towards a more sustainable and scalable earnings profile following our successful recapitalisation. Key profitability indicators, including return on equity and return on assets, show improvement on a year-to-date basis, despite the normalisation of headline earnings. Our balance sheet remains robust, supported by a diversified funding base and disciplined loan growth. With stable funding costs and improving asset quality, we are well positioned to drive operating leverage and long-term value creation.”
UBA expects 2026 to remain a transition year characterised by continued investment in digital transformation and operational scalability; strengthened risk management and provisioning frameworks; enhanced focus on high-quality, sustainable earnings and deeper penetration across African markets.
The Group remains strongly capitalised, highly liquid, and strategically positioned to execute its long-term growth agenda.
United Bank for Africa Plc is a leading Pan-African financial institution, serving over 45 million customers through 1,000 business offices and customer touchpoints in 20 African countries. With operations in New York, London, Paris, and Dubai, UBA connects people and businesses across Africa through retail, commercial, and corporate banking, payments, trade finance, and cross-border solutions.
Business
In The Spotlight
Once upon a time, elections in Nigeria were fought in town halls, party secretariats, and the noisy arenas of Abuja and Lagos where political legitimacy was earned through persuasion, coalition building, and the unpredictable alchemy of Nigerian democracy. Today, the political class has discovered a more glamorous battlefield and a grotesque new theatre has emerged: Nigerian politicians now conducts its fiercest battles not at home, but in Washington, London, Brussels, and any foreign capital willing to rent out its influence for a fee. What used to be a domestic contest for legitimacy has mutated into a transcontinental lobbying war; one that threatens not only Nigeria’s sovereignty but the very idea that Nigerians, not foreign policymakers, should determine their own future.
The latest episode - Atiku Abubakar’s $1.2 million contract with the Washington lobbying firm Von Batten–Montague–York, illustrates the scale of the problem. According to publicly available filings, the firm is tasked with “counterbalancing” the Nigerian government’s messaging in Washington, briefing members of Congress, shaping US policy narratives, and even taking concerns about INEC’s internal decisions directly to President Donald Trump. This is not subtle diplomacy. It is a direct appeal to a foreign power to intervene in Nigeria’s internal affairs. And Atiku is not alone. Abuja itself has long maintained its own lobbying presence in Washington.
The implications for Nigerian sovereignty are profound. When political actors outsource legitimacy to foreign capitals, they implicitly concede that domestic institutions - INEC, the courts, the legislature - are insufficient arbiters of political competition. Every time a Nigerian politician hires a K Street firm to “shape narratives,” they reinforce the perception that Nigeria’s democratic institutions are too weak, too compromised, or too distrusted to manage their own affairs. This is not merely embarrassing. It is dangerous. Foreign governments, including the United States, act according to their own interests. Their priorities - counterterrorism, energy security, migration, geopolitical competition - rarely align neatly with Nigeria’s democratic aspirations. When Nigerian politicians invite foreign actors into the electoral arena, they risk turning domestic politics into a bargaining chip in someone else’s strategic calculus.
The internationalization of Nigerian elections is unmistakable. Nigerian elections are no longer fought solely in Abuja, where institutions are contested; Lagos, where money and media converge; Kano, Port Harcourt, Enugu, where political blocs mobilize. They are now fought in Washington, through lobbyists and congressional briefings; London, through diplomatic signaling and media narratives; Brussels, through human rights reports and EU statements, and global think tanks, which increasingly shape elite opinion. This internationalization is not inherently new. Nigeria has always been entangled in global politics, but the scale and brazenness are unprecedented. Lobbying contracts worth millions, public statements aimed at foreign leaders, and strategic leaks to international media have become routine tools of political warfare.
Three forces drive this trend. First, elite signaling: Nigerian elites - governors, financiers, power brokers, watch Washington closely. A photo op with a US senator or a favorable mention in a congressional report can shift alliances faster than any manifesto. Second, institutional distrust: When domestic institutions are perceived as compromised, politicians seek validation abroad. This is a symptom of democratic fragility, not strength. Third, narrative power: International narratives shape domestic legitimacy. A critical report from a foreign government can damage a candidate more than any local scandal. But the revelation that Atiku’s lobbyists intend to brief President Trump directly on Nigeria’s internal political disputes marks a new frontier. It suggests that Nigerian actors now view foreign leaders not merely as observers but as potential arbiters of domestic political legitimacy. Even if Trump takes no action; and there is no evidence he will, the symbolism is corrosive. It signals to Nigerians that their political destiny is being negotiated in rooms they cannot enter, in conversations they cannot hear, by actors they did not elect.
It would be naïve to pretend that only opposition figures engage in this behavior. Successive Nigerian governments have spent millions on lobbying firms to burnish their image abroad, counter criticism, and influence foreign policy circles. Abuja’s own lobbying footprint in Washington is well documented. The Tinubu administration entered a significant lobbying contract with the DCI Group in Washington DC, with payments totaling $9 million per annum. The lobbying effort is designed to improve the image of the Nigerian government, particularly in countering reports of religious persecution and Christian killings, which led to the US designating Nigeria as a "country of particular concern." An initial $4.5 million was paid as an upfront retainer. Thus, the problem is not partisan. It is systemic.
The result is a grotesque spectacle: Nigerian factions fighting proxy battles on American soil, each hoping that a congressional hearing, a think tank panel, or a raised eyebrow from a US official will tilt the balance of power back home. Every time a Nigerian politician hires a foreign lobbying firm to “shape narratives,” they send a clear message: Nigeria’s institutions are not trusted to referee Nigeria’s politics. This is not merely a symbolic problem. It is a structural one. When domestic actors outsource legitimacy to foreign capitals, they weaken INEC’s authority, judicial independence, public trust in elections, and the principle that Nigerians, not foreign policymakers, should determine Nigeria’s future.
The cost to democracy and the consequences are severe; not the least of which is the delegitimization of domestic institutions. If foreign capitals become the ultimate referees, INEC’s authority erodes. Courts lose credibility. Elections become performative rather than decisive. Besides, it can engender voter alienation. Ordinary Nigerians, already skeptical of political elites, see foreign lobbying as proof that elections are elite games played on foreign turf. In addition, there is policy distortion. When foreign approval becomes a political asset, leaders prioritize external optics over domestic needs. Finally, there is sovereignty erosion. A nation that allows foreign actors to shape its electoral outcomes, directly or indirectly, risks becoming a client state in all but name.
Foreign governments can issue statements, hold hearings, or express concern. But they cannot, and should not determine Nigeria’s political future. The real contest will still be decided by economic performance, institutional credibility, voter mobilization, coalition building, and public dissatisfaction or approval. No amount of lobbying can substitute for legitimacy earned at home. Nigeria’s political class must rediscover a basic democratic principle: sovereignty is not merely territorial; it is political. A sovereign nation does not subcontract its political disputes to foreign capitals. It resolves them through its own institutions, however imperfect. If Nigerian leaders want stronger institutions, they must build them. If they want international respect, they must earn it domestically. And if they want credible elections, they must stop treating foreign governments as political referees. Until then, Nigeria’s democracy will remain vulnerable; not because of foreign interference alone, but because its own leaders keep inviting it.
Opinions
In The Spotlight
When President Bola Tinubu announced that Nigeria would extend the 2025 budget implementation deadline to June 30, 2026, three months beyond the original March 31 closure, the decision barely registered as a scandal.
Instead, it was packaged as practical governance: a mere extension to “allow for full utilisation of funds for ongoing infrastructure projects.”
But within 48 hours, three events revealed the ruse: Tinubu fired Finance Minister Wale Edun. Just hours later, on April 23, he requested Senate approval for another $516.3 million external loan.
Read together, these moves tell a story of institutional collapse so profound it should terrify every Nigerian who believes governance matters.
Edun’s removal was not sudden. According to Premium Times’ exclusive reporting, tension between Tinubu and Edun stemmed from “widespread complaints about low capital budget releases and slow budget planning,” which had “serially disrupted the country’s January-to-December budget cycle.”
In February, lawmakers accused Edun of recording “zero implementation” of the 2025 capital budget despite approving N1.15 trillion for capital components.
By December 2025, tensions erupted. At a Federal Executive Council meeting, Edun and Tinubu allegedly clashed so severely over capital releases that a presidential aide had to advise the Minister against raising his voice at the president.
One official present said, “From that point, it seemed that his goose was cooked.”
We know better now: Edun was not fired for releasing money recklessly. He was fired for not releasing it. He had resisted the “unsustainable” practice of “printing money” to pay contractors and instead prioritised debt servicing.
In a government committed to borrowing without limit, Edun represented a constraint. Now, that constraint is gone.
On April 23, Tinubu requested Senate approval for a $516.3 million external loan for the Sokoto-Badagry Superhighway.
This loan, like many before it, was swiftly approved by a Senate that has abandoned any pretence of fiscal scrutiny.
This follows a pattern that alarmed even opposition figures.
In early April, former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar issued a searing critique after the Senate approved $6 billion in external loans in less than four hours.
The loans comprised $5 billion from Abu Dhabi Bank (for budget deficit coverage and debt financing) and $1 billion from London Citi Bank (for port rehabilitation).
Four hours. For $6 billion. Not even the most elementary debate.
Atiku condemned the Senate for reducing itself to “a conveyor belt, processing requests of grave national consequence without due diligence. Borrowing decisions that will bind generations yet unborn cannot, and must not, be treated with this level of casual urgency.”
What emerges is not disorganisation but a deliberate strategy: approve massive budgets, execute them poorly, extend deadlines to hide execution failure, and request external loans continuously, not to finance new infrastructure, but to service existing debt and plug gaps created by poor spending.
According to theWorld Bank data cited by Atiku, Nigeria’s exposure to the International Development Association had risen to $18.7 billion by February 2026, placing the country among the largest recipients of concessional loans globally.
In March, while Edun was still nominally Finance Minister, the government requested an additional $6 billion in external borrowing, even as the Debt Management Office pursued aggressive domestic borrowing through high-volume bond auctions.
The math is inescapable: Nigeria is now borrowing not to invest in growth, but to service prior borrowing.
Few writers can claim to have criticised Atiku more than myself in the past two decades, but he is certainly correct on this one: “Resorting to fresh borrowing to service existing debts, plug budget gaps, and meet routine obligations…reflects a troubling absence of fiscal discipline, clear prioritisation, and sustainable economic planning.”
Atiku posed the critical question: “What does a government that appears to be preparing for electoral rejection in 2027 intend to do with an additional $6 billion in borrowed funds, on top of the mounting obligations it has already accumulated in just the first quarter of 2026?”
This is why Edun’s removal makes perfect sense: He was an obstacle to a borrowing drive on steroids.
His insistence on debt servicing, his resistance to “printing money,” his refusal to release capital budgets when execution capacity was nil, all these made him expendable.
His firing signals that the path is now clear: borrow continuously, execute sporadically, extend budgets infinitely, and rotate out any official who asks uncomfortable questions.
If budget execution failure was the genuine problem, two evidence-based policies could have addressed it without the fiction of extension deadlines.
Policy One: Use-It-or-Lose-It Reversion with Mandatory Public Inquiry:
Under this mechanism, any funds unspent by March 31 would revert to a centralised contingency account, jointly overseen by the Budget Office and National Assembly. Before reallocation, these reverted funds would trigger mandatory public inquiry: Which ministries failed? Were procurement processes broken? Was deliberate underspending occurring to preserve cash for debt service?
This creates real consequences for non-performance and makes execution discipline a matter of institutional reputation. Several nations use variants of this approach. The result is visible accountability, and that visibility itself creates incentive for improvement.
Policy Two: Quarterly Budget Reviews with Automatic Reallocation:
Every 90 days, the Budget Office would assess spending velocity. Ministries on track continue spending; underperforming ministries have allocations immediately reallocated to performers. The underperforming ministry must justify failure publicly, in writing.
This makes execution visible in real-time. It rewards actual performance rather than optimistic projections. Ministries and contractors would have every incentive to execute, because underperformance is immediately visible and immediately punished through reallocation.
Budgetary discipline is foundational to democracy. When a government can spend money on undefined timelines under invisible oversight with no consequences for failure, it has exempted itself from accountability.
The National Assembly becomes ceremonial, as exemplified by the current one under Godswill Akpabio. Citizens lose the baseline to measure whether tax revenue was wasted or stolen.
In an election year, this matters intensely. A government seeking re-election should demonstrate efficiency and disciplined execution. Instead, the pattern—budget extension, Finance Minister removal, serial loan requests, Senate approval in hours, signals an administration so insulated from consequences that it need not demonstrate competence at all.
Atiku stated it plainly, “Nigeria is not a private enterprise to be leveraged at will. The future of our nation cannot be signed away in a matter of hours.”
He was right. That future is being mortgaged systematically, with institutional blessing. And the real scandal is that the one official who stood between the presidency and unlimited borrowing authority has been removed.
Between Tinubu, Akpabio and the man for whom the president holds out the federal hat, …Chagoury, it is party time at Aso Rock.
Now, Nigerians learn the truth, not because Edun is gone, but because of that “Anybody else?” glance around the room.
This moment is another reminder that, unlike every successful nation or endeavour, Nigeria is not run by rules or regulations, patriotism or principle.